TREASON HAS FOUND A REFUGE 

 

Earl Warren, the Chief Justice who had earlier lobbied the Roosevelt Administration to lock up tens-of-thousands of innocent American citizens without trials, had a change of heart when he got on the Supreme Court.  He needed a new act to get respect from liberal eastern newspapers, so he got a new act.  He led a Supreme Court assault on America's security.  In 1956, the Warren Court struck down all state laws against promoting the violent overthrow of our government.  The Court said we had a federal law to handle that problem.  Congress had passed the Smith Act in 1940.  Therefore we didn't need any state laws to cover the same crimes [1].

Then, in 1957, the Warren Court dropped the other shoe.  It handed down four decisions that gutted the Smith Act.  Newspapers called that day "Red Monday."  Effective federal laws to deal with communist subversion were now "unconstitutional" too.  All of this upset a lot of loyal Americans [2].

It's recently been documented that communist governments, over the years, murdered somewhere between 85 million and 100 million people.  Most of those millions were already dead on Red Monday.  At that time, communists ruled about a third of the world's population.   People back then didn't have a good handle on the numbers.  But they were aware that communists had killed or enslaved many millions.  They knew that communists had momentum and had threatened to kill or enslave Americans too.  Millions of Americans were aware that communist spies in America had made that threat more real.  The Soviet Union had acquired modern nuclear arms partly by stealing our defense secrets [3].

A few months earlier, in November 1956, the Soviet Army had invaded Hungary to keep its people subjugated.  Twenty thousand Hungarians were killed.  Americans knew that communist governments had recently killed 54,000 of our troops in Korea.  The Korean war wasn't over either, it was just suspended by an armistice.  Americans also knew that the Soviet Union had a (temporary) lead in long range missile technology and had threatened to use it to obliterate America [4].

The Warren Court undermined our security by making it tougher to cope with those threats.  It ruled against the government in twenty-two out of thirty-one cases involving communist agents.  In 1967, it even ruled that communists had a "constitutional" right to work in defense plants.  Lots of people were aware that the Chief Justice, in an earlier career, had lobbied the Roosevelt Administration to lock up thousands of innocent Japanese-Americans.   So they didn't think he should be quite so picky about the rights of guilty communists [5].

They were also aware that our Constitution named the President as Commander-in-Chief and assigned him broad powers to defend our security in a dangerous world.  It assigned to Congress the power to "raise and support armies," and to "declare war."  It said not a word about a role, much less a supervisory role, for the Supreme Court in these critical areas.  In fact, our founders had gone out of their way to make it clear that the justices were to have no control over either "the sword" or "the purse" [6].

It appeared to many Americans that a renegade Court had gone off the deep end.  So conservatives in Congress tried to fix the problem.  In 1958, the Senate debated the Jenner Bill, a bill to remove Supreme Court jurisdiction in five areas relating to national security.  In the debates, the sponsors of the bill criticized the Warren Court for days.

Liberal Democrats opposed the Jenner Bill because they shared the Warren Court's 'blame America first' bias.  Some conservatives and centrists were paralyzed by respect for the Court as an institution.  So, in the end, the Senate failed to pass the bill, and the Warren Court escaped with only its ears burning [7].
 

VIKINGS' REVENGE

The justices pretended to ignore the political storm they had caused, but you can bet they had their judicial noses out of joint.  They naturally wanted to take revenge on their critics.  That's just human nature.  Besides, Machiavelli had advised his students that the "family" of an enemy should be "extinguished."  So the justices were looking for a chance to "extinguish" the political "family" of their "enemies" [8].

Their chance soon came along; but it required that Earl Warren change his stripes again.  Back in 1948, when Warren was governor of California, voters in the state faced a proposal to amend their constitution to apportion the state senate in keeping with the "one person one vote" principle.  At the time it was apportioned just like the U. S. Senate.  California Senate seats, like those in most other states, went with counties no matter how many, or how few, people a county had.

Warren opposed the proposal.  He didn't think he would like the political results [9].

However, in the 1960's he liked the political results of enacting the same change nationwide.  So he led the Supreme Court in two landmark decisions that trashed the Constitution to accomplish that change.  In Baker v. Carr and Reynolds v. Sims, the Court took control of elections away from Congress and the states and seized it for the federal judiciary.  Those decisions also shifted power from conservatives to liberals.  They went a long way towards extinguishing the political families of some of the Court's critics.

Of course no one can prove what the judicial motives were.  They certainly did not admit publicly that they trashed the Constitution to shift political power from their critics to their political allies.  However, keep a couple of things in mind.  Conservatives had been criticizing the Warren Court for years.  They had tried to curb its power and even called for Warren's impeachment.  So Earl and his colleagues had undoubtedly acquired a deep resentment of conservatives.  Rearranging state election rules, to shift power from rural to urban areas, was an effective way to damage conservatives.

The justices weren't in a position to legitimately pass laws or amend the Constitution.  But people trusted them to interpret the Constitution we had.  So they just claimed that it already contained the one-man-one-vote rule.  They said it was in the 14th Amendment.

Honest and knowledgable observers at the time wondered where the justices got those radical new ideas.  The 14th Amendment plainly says that states may deny the vote to Blacks and women.  Black men didn't get the vote until the 15th Amendment was ratified in 1870.  Congress would not have proposed the 15th Amendment if the 14th already mandated "one-man-one-vote."

The 14th Amendment also gave enforcement power to Congress, not the courts.  Our forefathers who framed and ratified it distrusted the Supreme Court which they viewed as "a diseased member of the body politic" [10].

In 1870 and 1871, Congress passed 2 statutes to "enforce" the voting rights of U. S. citizens under the 14th and 15th Amendments, exactly as the two Amendments had authorized.  No one could honestly refute the inference that those two statutes, whose total length exceeded 8600 words, fully expressed the intent of the framers of the 14th and 15th Amendments with respect to elections and voting rights [11].

The two Acts were completely devoid of support for the Court's claims in Baker v. Carr and Reynolds v. Sims.  Furthermore, a recurring theme in both Acts was continued state control of voter qualifications and election processes provided that control was exercised without racial discrimination [11].

Forty-five years after the 14th Amendment was ratified, the people sent a clear message that they still weren't ready to write the one-person-one-vote idea into the Constitution.  In 1913, the states ratified the 17th Amendment which called for the direct election of U. S. Senators.  That Amendment expressly kept the rule which allotted two Senate seats to each state.  At that time New York had about 120 times as many people as Nevada [12].
 

BUTTERFLY BALLOTS, DIMPLED CHADS, AND THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE

In his majority opinion in Reynolds v. Sims, Earl Warren wrote, "Weighting the votes of citizens differently, by any method or means, merely because of where they happen to reside, hardly seems justifiable..."  Then he went on to assert that the Constitution therefore forbids such different weighting.

There is no doubt that the electoral college system weighs citizens votes differently "merely because of where they happen to reside."  It's fairly easy to show, using recent U. S. census data, that a Wyoming resident's vote in a presidential election has about four times as much weight as that of a Californian.  A vote in any one of the smallest states has a lot more weight than one in a larger state.  However, perhaps fortuitously, the electoral college rarely produces a presidential election result at variance with that of the popular vote.

A moment of truth came in the 2000 presidential election.  George W. Bush, the Republican candidate, secured a razor thin (271-267) electoral college majority, winning the critical state of Florida by 537 popular votes.  Al Gore, the Democratic candidate, won the nation-wide popular vote by over half-a-million votes.  This result was in obvious conflict with the alleged "one man one vote" constitutional mandate.

It seems that one cannot in good faith escape the following embarrassing choice: either the electoral college is unconstitutional (as is the XVII Amendment which allocates seats in the U. S. Senate), or the one-person-one-vote mandate is a judicial invention with no basis in the Constitution.  The first choice is ridiculous; so we're compelled to go with the second.

No doubt the liberal intellectuals in the judicial usurpation industry would respond somewhat along the following lines [13]:

Never mind what the Constitution says; that doesn't matter.  The only Constitution that matters evolves under the infallible guidance of our secular papacy.  That evolution has produced the one-person-one-vote rule for the U. S. House of Representatives and for state legislatures.  It has not yet produced the same rule for the U. S. Senate and the presidency.  We must be patient with evolution.
Meanwhile, in December 2000, five conservatives on the U. S. Supreme Court, following precedents the Warren Court had fabricated out of thin air in order to damage conservatives, awarded the presidency to Republican George W. Bush, a conservative who had lost the popular vote.  The humor in this result seems to have escaped the notice of both critics and defenders of judicial usurpation [14].
 

NOTES AND CITATIONS

1.  See Cray, pages 320-1.   See also the online essay Viking Jurisprudence.

2.  See Cray, pages 329-35.

3.  The fact that communist governments murdered 85-100 million people was the main point of the 1997 study, Le Livre Noir du Communism (The Black Book on Communism) by French historians Stephane Courtois and others. An English translation was published by Harvard University Press in 1999.  The fact that communist spies sold Russia America's defense secrets in well documented in the book by Weinstein and Vassiliev and in other works cited by Ann Coulter.  See her 2002 work, Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism.

4.  See Gaddis, page 210 and 228.  See also "Twenty-Four Lies About the Cold War," by Gabriel Schoenfeld, Commentary Magazine, Vol. 107, No. 3, March 1999, page 28 ff.

5.  See Cray, page 338; see also Levinson 1994, page 188. The communists-in-defense-plant case was Robel v. United States, 1967.  A transcript can be found online at a FindLaw web site.  Earl Warren's shameful behavior during World War II is described in the online essay Viking Jurisprudence.

6.   See Hamilton's Federalist Number 78.

7.  See Cray, page 352.  The support of many liberal Democrats for communist spies in the post World War II era is well documented in Ann Coulter's book, Treason: Liberal Treachery from the Cold War to the War on Terrorism.

8.  See The Prince, Chapter IV, page 30.  The observation that the Supreme Court follows the teachings of Machiavelli is a recurring theme in The Temple of Karnak.

9.  See Cray or Huston.

10. See Berger 1977, Chapter 5 and Berger 1987, Chapter VIII. Section 2 of the 14th Amendment leaves control of voting rights to the states. But it gives the states a cost-benefit problem to solve if they choose not to allow all of their "male" citizens to vote. Of course the "male" citizens whose right to vote was still in question were all African Americans, although the Amendment does not spell that out.  The 14th Amendment's framers' distrust of the Supreme court is described in the online essay Unnatural Selection.

11. The text of the two statutes can be found on the Internet at http://ttokarnak.home.att.net/2ReconVRActs.html.  The two Acts assigned many new responsibilities to the federal courts, responsibilities that had long resided in state courts and that federal judges considered beneath their dignity. Using various pretexts, the Supreme Court effectively nullified both Acts.  As a result, Negroes suffered three-quarters of a century of disenfranchisement in much of the South.

Notwithstanding the refusal of our judicial employees to accept them, these statutes spelled out everything Congress intended the 14th (and 15th) Amendment(s) to contain about voting rights.

12. I estimated the populations of New York and Nevada, in 1913, from data on page 199 of Flatt, 1983.

13. The legal fiction that our Constitution evolves to incorporate fraudulent Supreme Court rulings is discussed in the online essay Our Evolving Constitution.

14. See, for example, "Court May Have Mapped New Territory," by Charles Lane, Washington Post, Page A24, December 14, 2000, and "A Muddled Ruling," by Michael McConnell, Wall Street Journal, December 14, 2000.  The case is also discussed in the online essay Bush v. Gore.

 
 

For publication information on works cited above, check the Bibliography
 

Return to Viking Jurisprudence Links Page

 

Go to Main Page, 
 

All Rights Reserved
D. J. Connolly